INTELLECTUAL AND HISTORICAL FRAMEWORKS
Genesis of research
A first rep è re may take the form of a paradox. Although the relationship between mé Media and politics have aroused te t in France to re bending pionniè res, the institutionalization of social science research on these properties was re Alisé e trè s late has u look many countries é foreigners. From 1901, Gabriel Tarde underlines the possible influence of the popular press on public opinion, on political discussions. It was in France that Tchakotine (1992) published in 1939 Le rape des foules par la propaganda politique , a pioneering work on the propaganda of totalitarian regimes. Analyzes of Jacques Ellul (1962) confirm Aftern s war this inte rê t. Despite this, the analysis of the links between media and politics remains the work of isolated researchers . Essentially based e on English-language works, the bibliography of Francis Balle Manual on " Meh dias is Socié te s" (1972) - that will be a long time the only one available for ed students - illustrates the isolation of rare franç researchers ais.
At least three reasons can explain this situation. The firstly re relates to 'é tat the scientific field marked political science by the weak franç ease up anné 're sixty and simultaneous crisis E of sociology franç comfortable. The second r e side in the professionalization trè s late political communication practices in France. Vincent Auriol, the first pre chairman of the Fourth Re public, says in his " Journal" that his son assured the function of re lay calls té lé phoni q ues addressed s at the E lysed E. An initiation to the profession of politician published by the deputy Robert Buron (1960) gives many details on the ways of meeting the peasants in the markets , but hardly speaks about the journalists. It is far from a prolifera ration pre coce professionals " Public Relations" in British institutions (Tulloch, 1993). But scientific backwardness is largely due to the status of dirty object, unthinkable (Georgakakis, 1996) which is then de signed by the term e born NEGATIVE of " propaganda" . An instrument of manipulation, it is thought to be undemocratic by nature and gives rise to a reflex of denunciation . The simple word " political communication" , more neutral, more binds to the ' idé e a cog in the participation p o licy must wait anné 're seventy ê be accepted ([3] ).
The end of the sixties will mark a rupture in the scientific status of the problems of political communication. The 'e lection pre sidentielle 1965 plays a ro dice cisif. It is the first to intervene by universal suffrage. It is marked by firstly re emergence surveys Pree ELECTORALFACTS and re symbolic evolution that repre feel the campaign "in the ' amé Rican" centrist candidate Lecanuet, helped by advertising Bo n large. From this date each presidential will see an increasing sophistication and professionalization of communication techniques. This process is however accompanied limitations that take to ban advertising s policies paid in the side lé vision, a re growing rules of die campaign thinking which led in 1995 to a decline considé Maple display advertising paying. The dynamics of the presidential elections will trigger a breakthrough in research. Celle- it sometimes struggles to be libé rer a priori normative: A book to success s on " The E show tat" (Schwarzenberg, 1977) still bears the subtitle " On and against state-Show" . But empirical research is developing under the leadership of Monica Ch a rlot, René Ré mond (Ré mond & Neuschwander, 1965), then Jean-Marie Cotteret (1973) and Roland Cayrol (Blumler, Cayrol, Thoveron, 1978) .
Post a Comment