The 'e elaboration of a problem matic of " political communication" , which analyzes r contributions between mé Media and beyond political campaigns é lectorales to found in France firstly a re formulation in analyzes of Jean-Louis and Dominique Missika Wolton (1983). In re action mood ACADE nomic long marked By the influences of the 'ed school in Frankfurt, both authors dice veloppaient safe critical tone mourner many texts - often die provided empirical basis - on the power of té lé vision. They Sugge raient of faç is provocative that far from opposing it, the a te lé vision opened the possibility to live public space dice Democratic rê vee Habermas. Through the creation of the journal Hermè s , Wolton also strongly contributed to the dissemination in France of foreign works and to the development of research on argumentation and political communication ( Hermè s 1991, 1994). However it be permitted to express a die deep intellectual disagree with most of his texts on political communication, which seem marked s two through re dhibitoire s: mobilization trè s RELA ket e mate empirical riel re reflexivity criticism never goes beyond what allows a posture of ' idé geologist organic of broadcast journalists.
It is therefore understandable that the pe period re cente has seen the bulk of scientific innovation on political communication come from outsiders , often in the younger gen born rations - " tea SARDS" of Paris 1 in anné are 90 - or to relatively recently created research centers (CURAPP in Amiens, CRAP in Rennes). Without exaggerating the coherence of this current, it is possible to define it by four sets of benchmarks . The first concerns the anchoring in sociological problems . Taking distance se tradition demiological is sharp, sometimes ex p lawfully claimed e. The line fe de tor of ed research Voque are here is to look at problems sociologically matiser operation structures ' interdé pendances or involved other actors that journalists and politicians. This is the ' idé e mê me to be able to isolate a report analytically press policy is challenged e. L ' unit of analysis relevant s ' e widens to configurations or operates public opinion (ed readers polled s), but also professionals introducing into the politics of social science inputs, be they consultants or academics engaging in a work of commentary and analysis. The re fe sociological references often borrow the tea ory fields Bourdieu, the modeled s confi g uration Norbert Elias, rarely in the public sphere Habermas. They promote a sociology attentive to grasping both the network of interdependencies between actors and the social conditions of its structuring. But the tea borrowing oriques of this new gen born work ration are actually more varied s. They reflects well tent re cents tea import movements orical: constructivism, symbolic interactionism, analysis of " symbolic politics" de veloped By Edelmann, sociology mé d i have Anglo-Saxon (Schudson Schlesinger). If the tea framework orical this research seeks to articulate problems continental matic and tea intake oriques the English speaking world, their analysis by land remain strongly against brands by p has rticularité s franç ease. The electoral campaigns are the object of little analysis, to the point that one can see a serious gap. Most of the scientific production focuses on the constant flow of e political missions tee lé vision (Darra s , 1994; Le Roux in Words , 1993; Neveu in Word 1989 & Herme s , 1995) while the radio is deep ment born neglects e. New objects have also appeared in the recent period . These are in particular satirical broadcasts featuring politicians in the form of puppets united in a café (Derville, 1995 on the “ Bé bê te-show” ) or interviewed by journalists in a fake -journal té lé referred (Collovald 1996). The expansion of analysis also reads courses in ' in t e rê t re percent granted to objects like born crologies political leaders (Dulong, 1994) or the ritual dimensions ( [6] ) of political life (Abé lè s, in Mots, 1990b), or the long “ Letter to all French people ” published in 1988 by the candidate Mitterrand in the French press (Lehingue & Pudal, in CURAPP , 1991) . A third feature of this research concerns the rehabilitation of a historical dimension. We will not be surprised to find here work who claim the current of the " social history" to question the difficulty s d 'é emergence of a " science" of propaganda and rationalization of political messages ( Georgakakis, 1996). Se a series of thè its work and re cents to die veloppent and around a problem matic combines sociology of professions and politiqu communication e to analyze the process of institutionalization of various mé related third party s in communication, construction 'a political communication market (Poirmeur in CURAPP, 1991). This research concerns such as the professionalization of the Board p olicy (Legavre, 1998), that of spe cialists local communication (Dubois, 1993). Finally, it should be emphasized that this research also pays unique attention to the local dimension of interactions between politicians and the media. Out has v ec a Jacobin vision of the relationship mé dias e- read, research will die then put to the analysis of municipal campaigns (Wine, 1996), relations between é local elected and journalists from small towns (The Bohec , 1997). They question the changes produced in local political and institutional life - such as the rise of a press produced by local authorities - by the decentralization mechanisms born in the 1980s (Le Bart, 1992; Fourdin , 1998). They also help to see how the construction of public images of politicians, often tope tively associated e modern technologies in political communication must to know-how in classical building a relationship ed emotional and pers o nnalisé e with journalists and editors (GEMEP, 1990). This is one of the lessons of Schudson's (1995) analyzes of the myth of Reagan's popularity .
It is impossible to try to re summarize in a few lines the contributions of this research, both because of their number as the fact that they also cover variations problem sensitive enough matic. Three benchmarks can, however, give an idea of some of their contributions.
A first contribution of this work is to question the status of the social sciences in the functioning of relations between political staff and journalists, in the dynamics of the political field. If they constitute tools of analysis, the social sciences are also largely incorporated in the processes of political communication through the know-how of consultants, the processes of rationalization of journalistic work towards the maximization of audiences, the effects of polls. of opinion used in an inflationary fashion in France. The TRAVAU x re cents illustrate the case of journalists-man political relations (Legavre, 1998), the principle of re reflexivity of formalized social agents by Giddens. The growing rationalization of political messages, formatted “ scientifically ” according to the expectations of the media, in return gives rise to an unprecedented form of journalistic competence , which also undermines the social sciences, which consists of anticipating media blows , comment least the actions of politicians that the owers referred 're strate cal, their communicational meanings (Neveu, 1994). The central die sormais conquered by re fe rence to a public opinion measured By surveys also measure the political effects of technology from s social sciences. Bernard Lacroix ( in Sfez, 1993b) underlined the paradox of this continuous publication of polls which places political personnel in a situation of double-bind . The political leaders must show a form of activism which with “ soundbites ” and symbolic gestures (we will see a French minister filming in Somalia, unloading on his back the heavy bags of rice of humanitarian aid ) guarantee them favorable and continuous media coverage . At the same time, the fear of the faux pas which would offend public opinion and produce a sudden drop in the polls doubles this media activism with a form of political immobility which makes the formulation of innovative proposals improbable, maintains what John Ge e r (1996) calls it “ followership ” . These re thoughts on the challenges of the social sciences also contribute to de place the problem matic effects polls. It is no longer a matter of simply weighing their impact on votes. We must now question their impact on the work of journalists pushed into a posture of hermeneutes of the statistical vox populi, also think of the possible effects of the permanent transparency that they produce on a loss of solemnity and uncertainty of moments é lectora u x, on an e erosion of sacred dimensions are (to borrow Bagehot) vote.
A second feature common to the research evoked here is to ask for a set of questions on the professionalization of political life. As we have just seen, this involves the emergence of new categories of professional auxiliaries in the political game (pollsters, consultants). They provide politicians with new media resources in political struggles. But these consultants are them- mê my pe games caught in Rillieux management of their resources. If they advise indiffé ently opposite of politicians s (as Pilhan, became the adviser Pre president Chirac Aftern s have e ty that of Mitterrand) they endorse an image of commerce n area. If they accumulate political resources and competent technical Competencies, they are condemned s at a pe Rillieux game 'é quilibriste between the character of the technician and the militant (Legavre 1989). In a very stimulating contribution Dominique Memmi (CURA P P, 1991) proposed a model of “ gendered ” analysis of the relationship between consultant and politician. The consultant dice are described as a mission to " re symbolic assurance" . His job is to se SECURING politician, to develop home to errie re the arts of communication the feeling of authenticity personal. The consultant-politician relationship can then be read on the model of that which binds wife and husband in a traditionalist representation of the couple.
The question of professionalization also applies to the political staff themselves . The skills of the politician must inte GRER increasingly explicit capacity re mé management reflexive slides and relationships with journalists. This point can he mê Even be sé decked deep renewal in the recruitment of politicians who charac corseted the Fifth Re public, with ro the central taken by former ed up s ENA in the ranks of party leaders and ministers. These changemen t s have contributed to a more e recruitment elitist, but also a shift in the skills of politicians, whose compe tence is de sormais longer tied e to knowledge é economic at Mai technical Trise records as a learning ter r ain ed from campaigns lectorales. From this point of view, the gradual change of e political missions té lé referred 're twenty years can be seen as a given premium e to this new political staff. Because they rely less on confrontation f r Ontal between opposing politicians s, but play more dialogues on issues, sometimes in conditions similar rituals Review ed schools of power ( [7] ), these broadcasts often gave a structural advantage to the guests socialized in these trainings. The trend, later, to seek implementation Sce only aspect p riveted s personality of the guest s policies has likewise helped to develop an art of expression affects and tasty little dis ts personnel, to die detriment of guest s (ie communist) whose ' identity politics ed was inse parable of the expression of an identity group in terms of class or re fe rences idé geologic (the Grignou & Nephew, 1993). These developments are in turn inseparable from a third professionalization process: that of journalists. Journalism franç ais underwent e n twenty morphological changes considé rable: doubling the number, rejuvenation, fe feminisation mounted e DIPLOMAS of my. These changes directly labeled political journalism whose recruitment tends increasingly to be re Aliser p ar a circuit that starts from institutes ' ed policy studies to achieve the re of Shares of mé dias most prestigious via three major ed schools of journalism. Analysis of these changes in the journalistic profession suggests contradictory effects. D on one side , socialization shared e in the "é coles power" has created a close cultural trè s visible between 'é lite of journalists and politicians. She also led the 'e emergence of a " scholar journalism" , fed knowledge and logic pe TEACHINGPROCESSES these institutions leading to the place occupied by the commentary of the polls, often Rela solicitation ket e the contributions of political science. But in another sense, privatization in broadcasting, the c o ncurrence increased between mé dias whose e circumstances economic is often difficult (press ed written), also generated inverse movements. The end of Contro direct policy té lé vision by the state generated among journalists of the audio-visual s ual dice desire to mark their independence. New ed political missions have thus appeared that break the tradition of de fe rence to the 'e gard political staff (Darras, 1998). The press ed written has seen de develop, the Greenpeace case on af f corruption areas investigative journalism entirely made ed abroad habits of daily franç ais. The analysis of the so-called “ contaminated blood” case offers an ideal -typical example (Marchetti, 1997). A new gen born ration journalists mé dica u x will die leaving posture popularizer die doomed to authority s mé dicales and de develop a way of processing files mé dicaux who plays both critical expertise while inte grant Impe of rations of audience research. The mobilization of this j investigation ournalisme lead to questioning the responsibility of the authority 's policies and health in contaminated hey mophiles by the AIDS virus the opportunity to blood transfusions. Quickly promoted to " scandal" and deve n u subject to surenchè re dice sayings between mé dia, this treatment mode ined said a technical file will Biento t promote it to the political agenda and raise prosecutions against several ministers including former Prime Minister Fabius.
Re looking franç ease re Centes also re organized around a bend on the changes in depth of the system policy that causes me political communication. The cleavage observed with regard to public opinion is partially reflected here. A by t ie researchers dice develops a problem matic the " de democracy of opinion" or " dice democracy continues" (). The interplay of mé dias and surveys allow permanent direct expression of public opinion, a Contro the time re el of steered t policies ions. This idea is also expressed by journalists (de Virieu, 1989) or, critically, politicians like the former Prime Minister Michel Rocard who considers that “ The media prevent one from governing” . The work of the nouv e lle ge born ration e Voque e in this die development more emphasis on a problem matic of the crisis on the vision of an unfinished recomposition e. A first crisis hit political journalism, which was also subject to a double bind logic (Darras, 1998 ; Neveu in Politix 1996). The traditional practice of political journalism at the franç comfortable, conc u as a dialogue of insider politics on issues é SOTE RIQUES or vision of politics as " small horse race" faces a cô side to d es constraints audience. On television , traditional political broadcasts no longer manage to capture the public's attention. Trade logical result then, outside the campaigns, a comple te marginalization of such pro g ramming and journalists who are responsible. To find an audience, several classi nes chose to drag ed political missions to a mode on from talk show , with public participation and e enlargement of de subjects fought to the problem my most daily (Mehl, 1995). If she met a relative success s, this strate gy also resulted in a further marginalization of political journalists, replaced s by other professionals mé dias or journalists gen born realistic. E n play of the crisis here is the invention of a new political journalism, able to mobilize the hearings from ' an approach more Concre you political issues, a dice style fights involving public social actors , experts. Because ' it means u do rede substantial competent finishing the competence of the political journalist that mutation encounters vivid re resistances. Journalists, politicians and researchers franç ais also have many dice beat of " Crisis repre presentation" , marked By the d é engaged to the 'e gard political staff, the mounted e voting " National Front" . The vagueness of the notion of crisis is evident here . She dice sign to both the impact of post-Mate behavior rialistes analysis by Inglehart, the existence of a de timing struc t ural between repre feeling and repre sented s, the de sillusions of anné 're Mitterrand. The “ crisis” is also a slogan mobilized by the outsiders of the political game (Tapie) to present themselves as the spokespersons of civil society against “professional politicians ” . But this “ crisis” must also be analyzed as a form of self-fulfilling prophecy effect produced by the media (Neveu, 1993). The discourse of the existence of a representational crisis became part of journalistic common sense in the late 1980s . If it could be based on empirical replies, this discourse also had the advantage of placing journalists in a position of overhang, judges and doctors of a sick policy. The rise of journalism investig has tion that helped to die veil and build many corruption played in mê feel. Finally, there are terms mê me of interactions between journalists and politicians who helped to produce a form of decision-d i stance politically. Combining Impe rations mé diatiques and their critical analysis by journalists of the press ed written contributed to make it visible to a wide audience the Rifle Character re artificial political life colonized By small Phra s es and consultants. The argument here is not to accuse journalists of having provoked a “ political crisis” , but more sociologically to note that they have objectively contributed to the co-production of a disenchanted vision of politics. of which they are also the victims, their position of insiders associating them in the polls with the discrete said which strikes the political class.
إرسال تعليق